It was a blissful morning when I had a fruitful meeting with Lin Hang, Minister-Counsellor and Deputy Chief of Mission of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Rwanda. After explaining that I am pursuing a PhD in Peace, Governance and Development at the United Nations University for Peace, and that my research interest focuses on Chinese homegrown solutions for its remarkable development and how they can be transferred through South–South cooperation, she offered me a gift that, at the time, I did not know would become so life-changing, insightful, and instrumental in my academic journey.
The book, The Governance of China (Vol. 5) by President Xi Jinping, is 621 pages long, excluding the index. It is not a light read. Its density of ideas requires deliberate engagement rather than passive reading. I am currently on page 154. Because of its inherent ability to quench my epistemological thirst, I made a decision to read at least 10 pages per day—though I quickly realized this was more ambitious than practical. President Xi Jinping is remarkably articulate and intellectually dense in his expression, to the extent that one cannot simply skim through the text. I often have to pause, take notes, reflect, and attempt to fully grasp the depth of his thought. His ideas are deliberate, structured, and deeply intentional.
As one engages with the book, certain recurring concepts become impossible to ignore: the transformation of China into a modern socialist country, socialism with Chinese characteristics, the people-centered philosophy of development, One Country, Two Systems, and China’s commitment to global initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative. These are not isolated ideas; they form a coherent ideological and developmental architecture that underpins China’s governance model.
The book elaborates extensively on how the Communist Party of China and the state apparatus have managed to eradicate absolute poverty within a remarkably short period. This stands as a global record that, to date, has not been replicated by any other country. It further demonstrates China’s continued efforts to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects, while consistently doing so under what it terms “Chinese characteristics.”
What I also find intellectually significant is that the book does not present an idealized or flawless picture. It critically engages with internal societal and ideological challenges that may hinder sustainable development. President Xi speaks with clear determination about addressing issues such as money worship, hedonism, egocentrism, and historical nihilism. This openness is important—it shows that governance, in this framework, is not about denying problems but confronting them as part of a broader developmental strategy.
Another key intellectual lesson from this book is the importance of learning from ideological and theoretical foundations. It draws extensively from Marxism, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of the Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development, all adapted and reinterpreted within Chinese realities. This made me reflect deeply: what is the guiding developmental thought of my own country, and how is it documented, preserved, and transmitted? More importantly, what would constitute “Rwandan characteristics” in governance and development thinking? I humbly believe these are critical questions for any country seriously committed to sustainable development.
The book contains a striking quote: “China has decided to offend a few thousand rather than 1.4 billion people.” This is profoundly symbolic. It reflects a governance philosophy in which the perceived collective interest of the population is prioritized over external pressure or minority opposition. It signals clarity of direction and political resolve—no ambiguity about the path of development and who it is meant to serve.
Education is another area where the book strongly resonated with me. According to the book, the most basic aim of education is to foster virtue. He outlines what an educated person should acquire from schooling: sound moral grounding, intellectual ability, physical vigor, aesthetic sensibility, work skills, and work ethics. The order itself is telling. I could not agree more that character development should remain at the center of education. Without it, knowledge risks becoming hollow.
The book further elaborates on China’s ambition to become a global talent powerhouse, emphasizing the cultivation of high-quality talent that embodies both integrity and professional competence. I find this combination particularly compelling, as separating the two often creates an imbalance in systems of governance and development.
It also sheds light on China’s governance structure, particularly three interrelated models: China as a socialist country advancing whole-process people’s democracy and ensuring that the people run the country, alongside consultative democracy and grassroots-level democracy. These concepts are highly contextual and offer an alternative lens for understanding governance beyond conventional frameworks. They raise important questions about how democracy and development interact in different historical and socio-political contexts.
These concepts are very meaningful in what truly drives development and real transformative change. When African countries attained what is commonly referred to as independence, there was a widespread call for democracy—but which democracy, and in what form? How it should be tailored to each country’s nature, history, and specificity was often only subtly considered. Instead, what became dominant was a rather standardized understanding of democracy: multi-party systems, elections, term limits, and universal suffrage, among others.
I humbly think that real sustainable development requires a leadership and governance model that is not treated as a one-size-fits-all framework, nor as a simple process of copying and pasting external systems. At times, this replication was perhaps inevitable for many African countries, given the realities of global power relations—where, as the saying goes, he who pays the piper calls the tune.
It is in this context that I personally appreciate China’s approach to international relations. When it provides aid or loans, it does not, at least in principle, act ultra vires by imposing excessive conditionalities or by exporting its values in a prescriptive manner—essentially giving you a shirt and dictating how it should be worn, as is sometimes observed in engagements with certain partners in the West.
In a nutshell, this is what I have gained from the book so far. I will continue to share further insights as I progress. It is my passion to consistently engage with and disseminate ideas that I find intellectually valuable for my country and my continent.
